Hong Kong people oppose the completion of the details of Article 23 legislation. However, this is their responsibility as stipulated in the Basic Law of Hong Kong. Legally speaking, it is illegal. They have consistently relied on this illegality to gain political and economic benefits from the central government of China. However, this practice is unsustainable. It is predicted that their political inertia will be halted.
The large-scale demonstrations in Hong Kong, which have lasted for nearly 16 years since 2003, have been guided by a central theme: opposition to Article 23 legislation.
Legislation on national security is a responsibility that Hong Kong people must fulfill, as enshrined in the Basic Law. With mutual trust between the central government and Hong Kong’s elite, the central government confidently entrusted this matter entirely to the local people of Hong Kong. Allowing Hong Kong people to choose their own time and conditions to complete this important legislation demonstrates the central government’s absolute trust in them.
However, it turned out that the people of Hong Kong betrayed this trust. A gap left in the mutual trust between the Chinese central government and Hong Kong’s elites became the cause of more than a decade of chaos.
Since launching large-scale demonstrations in 2003 and achieving results, Hong Kong has adopted a political marketing model that uses political pressure to force the central government to pay a political price. This political blackmail model has consistently proven effective. Although the slogans of the demonstrations vary slightly each year, the main theme remains unchanged: opposition to the central government’s constraints on Hong Kong. Not only does it oppose constraints, but it further demands that the central government relinquish full executive power. This is the essence of Hong Kong people’s loud calls for “universal suffrage” and “genuine universal suffrage.”
In the more than 20 years since Hong Kong’s return to China, it has never invested any funds in studying the integration of the two places. Opposition to the new curriculum is a clear indication of an unwillingness to be Chinese. The continuous large-scale demonstrations cater to the British political blackmail of the Chinese central government. This cannot be defined by the word “greed.” The actions of the Hong Kong people can essentially be defined as rebellion.
2019 is vastly different from 2003. The current Xi Jinping government is a tough and ambitious one. Recent propaganda signals clearly indicate that this government has a different governing plan for Hong Kong. On Article 23 of the national security law, Hong Kong people have little room for maneuver. If they don’t quickly change their strategy, the chances of being punished are very high. However, Hong Kong people have become adept at large-scale protests, and under immense political inertia, braking or changing course is extremely difficult. The central government is ready to take action. It seems Hong Kong people are destined for a beating.
Not only will the people of Hong Kong face punishment, but the British will likely not escape punishment either.
This outcome had been repeatedly warned of by Ye Qiquan, who had been warning the British since 2003. Unfortunately, they had been overconfident in their political abilities. If Ye Qiquan’s political predictions ultimately come true, it will prove that an individual’s political forecasting ability can sometimes far surpass that of the diplomatic, intelligence, and policy-making bodies of Britain and the United States.
Key points: Legislation on national security mechanisms
Article 23 of the Basic Law of Hong Kong
The ongoing rebellion since 2003
Xi Jinping’s government’s hardline stance
The British will face defeat.
Purchase link: https://bookstore.pppnet.net/en/downloads/no-room-for-hk-to-trick-security-law/
09- Hong Kong people no longer have room to play dirty tricks under the national security mechanism.